Ansarollah Website Official Report
Since the United States extended the reach of its dominance and influence to occupy other countries, the global map has been reshaped to fit the contours of military bases established on foreign soil.
These bases were constructed as backdoors to breach sovereignty and cement a hegemony exercised openly and without shame. Wherever the flag of these bases is raised, the host nation’s flag retreats, step by step, across all spheres of national life.
As always, the United States justified these bases with hollow claims, while in reality, they serve as claws embedded in geography, politics, and the economy.
With every American soldier deployed, every radar installed outside U.S. territory, and every plane flying in skies that are not their own, the circle of control expands while the scope of local decision-making contracts. Even the largest and most established countries become mere waypoints in America’s map of interests and dominance.
Airports open more readily to U.S. aircraft than to domestic flights; maritime routes are treated as if they were internal waterways; and the airspace is managed by systems and codes known only to officers arriving from across the Atlantic.
Natural resources, too, are not spared from this reach. While promoted as protective garrisons, these bases are in truth keys to controlling resources.
Wherever oil is found, American bases emerge as military shields ensuring the uninterrupted flow of black gold—not to the treasuries of the people, but to American factories and corporations.
Strategic ports, straits, and locations turn nations into influence maps divided among military committees, while local governments are relegated to the narrow margins of domestic administration, far removed from sovereign decision-making.
Over time, American bases have become a primary source of instability in numerous countries, igniting conflicts—some of which extend beyond the host nation’s borders, while others turn these lands into battlegrounds for wars that are not their own.
The burden of these conflicts falls solely on the people: development stalls, national identities are eroded, and cultures are reshaped, turning what was purportedly a protective military presence into a driver of danger rather than a safeguard.
Thus, this has never been a temporary military presence but a prolonged trajectory that has created a new reality: weakened states, plundered resources, altered political maps, and systems incapable of shaping their own futures. What remains for the people is the memory of sovereignty they once had, and the dream of sovereignty they must reclaim.
The Role of U.S. Military Bases in the Region
The tasks carried out by the U.S. military forces deployed in our region—particularly in the Middle East—span a set of pivotal roles that reveal the true nature and objectives of their presence.
At the forefront is the central mission of asserting control and dominance over the region, treating it as an exclusive sphere of American influence that no external power is allowed to approach.
Washington views the Middle East as a domain that must remain under its direct authority and works to prevent any outside force from entering or challenging its supremacy.
The U.S. characterization of the region as an “American lake” is far from exaggerated. To realize this vision, bases were expanded, and troops deployed in an effort to impose a New Middle East under American oversight—a strategy reminiscent of Condoleezza Rice’s 2006 rhetoric during the Lebanon campaign, when she promoted the idea of “creative chaos” as a means to birth a region reshaped under U.S. guardianship. This primary mission underpins all other operational objectives.
The second mission focuses on tightening control over critical crossings and strategic gateways, ensuring the flow of oil, protecting supply lines, and securing freedom of navigation along the world’s most important maritime routes.
The region hosts vital arteries of international trade—the Suez Canal, Bab al-Mandab, the Red Sea, and the Strait of Hormuz—through which a significant portion of global energy supplies pass.
The United States insists that freedom of navigation in these passages be guaranteed first and foremost for the West, while Eastern traffic remains closely monitored.
This context highlights the setback Washington faced when the Yemeni army asserted control over the Red Sea, pushing back U.S. naval units for hundreds of miles during the Battle of Gaza Support.
The third mission is the protection of Israel, a permanent pillar of U.S. military doctrine. America closely monitors the situation, using its military presence to ensure Israeli military superiority and provide additional support, keeping it in a position of power.
Yemen’s emergence as an active regional force posed a real threat, magnifying Washington’s humiliation after failing to safeguard Israeli shipping in the Red Sea, forcing it to negotiate with the Yemeni army while leaving Israeli vessels exposed to attacks.
The fourth mission involves maintaining a logistical military stockpile ready for rapid deployment. This was evident when Israel required weapons during its Gaza offensives, prompting the U.S. to supply them swiftly from bases stationed in the UAE and Qatar.
The fifth mission centers on training the militaries of host nations and aligning their operations with American interests. Joint exercises of varying scale and significance are regularly conducted, increasingly involving Israel even with Arab countries not officially aligned with it.
The sixth mission establishes the foundation for permanent or temporary military alliances, designed to serve overarching U.S. strategic goals, whether political or military.
Observing the U.S. military footprint in the region and the roles it undertakes makes clear that this presence is far from temporary cooperation.
It represents a full-fledged occupation that enforces hegemony, violates sovereignty, undermines independence, and opens the door to divisions and conflicts that drain the region’s resources.
Map of U.S. Military Bases in the Region
By mid-2025, the American military presence in the region exceeded 50,000 troops, concentrated in major bases across several countries. The nations hosting the largest U.S. forces include Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, the UAE, and Saudi Arabia:
Qatar (Al Udeid Air Base)
Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar is the largest U.S. military installation in the region, established in 1996 and covering over 24 hectares. It can accommodate 100 aircraft, including drones, and currently hosts more than 10,000 U.S. personnel.
The base serves as a forward hub for U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) and has been a launch point for aggressive operations in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Syria.
The base houses the 379th Air Expeditionary Wing, aerial refueling fleets, reconnaissance units 44, 340, 379, 434, 911, and the 93rd Air Control Wing. Its assets include KC-10 tankers, KC-135 bombers, and EA-6 electronic reconnaissance aircraft.
The construction cost approached $1.4 billion, with a 2.8-mile runway capable of handling 120 aircraft. General Jason Armacost, commander of the 379th Wing, emphasized the base’s strategic importance in managing Central Middle East operations.
United Arab Emirates (Al Dhafra Air Base)
Al Dhafra Air Base functions as a strategic hub for reconnaissance, intelligence gathering, and supporting U.S. aerial operations. The base hosts advanced aircraft such as F-22 Raptor stealth fighters, various surveillance planes, drones, and AWACS early warning aircraft. It serves as a launch platform for U.S. regional operations, given its critical role in planning and executing aggressive missions.
Bahrain (Naval Support Facility)
The U.S. Naval Support Facility in Bahrain, built on the former British HMS Jufair base, hosts around 9,000 Department of Defense personnel, both military and civilian. It serves as the home of the U.S. Fifth Fleet, primarily ensuring security for American ships, aircraft, and military units in the region.
Saudi Arabia
Saudi Arabia remains one of the most important U.S. hubs in the Gulf. Following the September 11 attacks, the U.S. Central Command maintained 13 dedicated facilities within the kingdom, in addition to access to 66 sites belonging to the Saudi Armed Forces. The main hub is Prince Sultan Air Base, which also hosts U-2 reconnaissance aircraft. Other regularly used bases include King Abdulaziz Air Base in Dhahran, King Khalid Air Base in Riyadh, and facilities in Khamis Mushait, Tabuk, and Ta’if.
Kuwait (Camp Arifjan)
Camp Arifjan, approximately 55 km southeast of Kuwait City, is a primary U.S. Army installation. Established in 1999, it serves as a central hub for logistics, supply, and command for American military operations in the region, particularly under CENTCOM.
Iraq (Erbil Air Base)
Erbil Air Base is used by U.S. forces to conduct air operations, primarily in northern Iraq and Syria, providing support and advisory roles to Kurdish and Iraqi forces.
Jordan
Jordan hosts two air bases—Ruweished and Al-Mafraq—housing numerous American fighter jets. Additionally, the U.S. 22nd Naval Expeditionary Unit operates out of the port of Aqaba, facilitating special operations training and missions.
The NSA and U.S. military intelligence have also established covert listening posts near the Syrian and Iraqi borders. Following September 11, Jordanian units coordinated with the secretive U.S. intelligence group “Gray Fox” in counterterrorism operations.
